'A Talking Shop or A Doing Shop: Education4Democracy NE Explained

EDUCATION4DEMOCRACY NE is a not-for-profit , party neutral community interest company based in the city of Newcastle, but operating across the region. Founded in late 2015 by Stephen Lambert, a social entrepreneur, the organisation is supported by 15-strong Advisory Board, drawn from the world of government, further education, academia, business, charities, health, community development and young people.

Education4Democracy NE is a member of Newcastle CVS and the NE Social Enterprise Partnership.

Stephen said: ''There's clearly a need for this type of project in the North East given that a significant section of the population feel that civic affairs or the decision-making process has no impact on their lives. What the region is experiencing is a crisis of  democratic engagement with falling turn-out in elections, hundreds of thousands not registered to vote and only a minority participating actively in civil life.''

''Our main aim, using our team of qualified  and experienced volunteers, is to reach out to those sections of the community who feel 'alienated' from day-to-day politics including young adults, people with learning disabilities or mental health issues, working-class women and the disadvantaged,''  Stephen added.

The organisation provides the following services to help boost ''active citizenship'' across the North East:

* Citizenship Education in schools, colleges and community groups: Making sense of the democratic process - voting; civic participation; pressure groups; political parties; the judicial system; layers of governance from the Parish Council to the EU; the role of elected representatives and the changing British constitution;

*  Understanding and challenging political extremism : workshops  on Radical Islamic fundamentalism, the Far Right and the Far left;

* Equality and diversity : the bases of discrimination and the legal framework;

* Campaigning work: Voter Registration campaigns - working with NGOs such as the Electoral Commission, government agencies and democracy campaign groups.

* Charity/campaign group strategic media communications including how to work with the media, researching and producing news releases, letter writing and newsletter editorial

* Training and in-depth tuition for UK citizenship tests for migrants

* Election law training for political party election agents and candidates;

* Commercial private one-to-one or group tuition in GCSE/As/A2 Sociology, Government and politics (British & American), modern British & European History and Citizenship studies up to A-level.

Stephen said:  ''Although we're a campaigning social enterprise company our main remit is educational - engaging, informing and delivering interactive sessions to a range of groups about democracy and citizens' role in it. A doing shop more than a talking shop''.

Top Regional Businessman Joins Education4Democracy NE

A LEADING regional business man and philanthropist has joined the Advisory Board of the social enterprise company, Education4Democracy NE, it was disclosed this week.

Jeremy Middleton CBE, 56, is a high profile entrepreneur, investor, philanthropist and Conservative politician. He a member of the North East Local Enterprise Partnership and chairs the NE LEP Investment Panel. Jeremy has held several top positions in the Conservative Party and contested Hartlepool in 2005 by-election (following the resignation of Labour Cabinet Minister, Peter Mandelson) and was the Conservative candidate in the North East euro-election  in 2004. Jeremy is currently the candidate for the 2017 North East mayoral election. His principal interests are promoting regional employability and social enterprises.

Stephen said: ''We're delighted that Jeremy has the joined our Advisory Board at a time when the company is developing its mission. With a successful background in business and commerce he has much to offer in terms of expertise, experience and forward thinking.''

Other members are the Advisory Panel include: Lord Beecham of Benwell; Councillor Habib Rahman, Durham University professor Thom Brooks;  Anna Round of the think-tank, IPPR North; Newcastle Liberal-Democrat leader Anita Lower; Margaret Murning, city based health visitor; Ben McGukin and Aidan Lambert, Newcastle students; Dr Robin Simmons of Huddersfield University's Education faculty;  ex-local government officer and politics lecturer, Mark McNally; Oscar Watson, city Community Development worker;  John McConnell, expert on mental health; Peter Wilson of Newcastle Citizens Advice and Kerry Allibhai, sole businesswoman and mother of two.

'The Onward March of the Far-Right in the North of England': UKIP Exposed & How to Challenge It

DESPITE Ukip gaining one parliamentary seat in last year's general election and the failure of Nigel Farage to take Thanet South, the notion that the ''Little Englander'' party is somehow going to go away is misplaced. 4 million people voted for Ukip in May 2015. Until recently, opinion indicated that the Conservatives in the region's suburbs were the main losers. Nothing further could be from the truth. In the up-market Newcastle leafy suburb of Gosforth Farrage's Ukip got a derisory 3 per cent of the vote in the May 2016 local elections. 

Overall Ukip gained 13 per cent of the vote. But alarmingly, it made significant advances from last spring in nine Labour held council wards in the Town Hall elections. In the traditional Labour stronghold of Scotswood and Benwell, Ukip achieved an eye watering 33% of the vote on a low turn out. In nearby Newburn, Lemington, Denton, Fenham and Kenton Ukip got over 21 per cent of the vote. In the Walkergate ward based in the city's east end, the party achieved 27% of the vote against a well known ,likeable , born and bred Labour incumbent. Ukip poses a major threat to Labour in at least nine seats in Newcastle.

Elsewhere in the country Ukip came a good second in two North West parliamentary by-elections in May; more than doubled its council representation in England; gained new support in the working-class towns of Basildon and Thurrock whilst advancing in Wales with the election of seven new Ukip assembly members. With the rise of Donald Trump in America together with the rapid growth of the far right in France, Belgium, Austria and Holland, Ukip isn't going to go away whatever the outcome of the EU Referendum in June. The extreme right is getting an electoral foothold on many important public bodies across Europe. For experts like Ford the real risk for Labour in its Northern heartlands is that it becomes both fertile and productive territory in the wake of the referendum, particularly if Farage is displaced with a leader with more voter appeal. There's compelling evidence that Labour's core vote is slowly haemorrhaging to Ukip: a process that begun under New Labour from 2005 and is continuing under Labour's new left-wing leader Jeremy Corbyn.

Though not a fascist party in the traditional sense, Ukip is regarded by several political analysts such as Newcastle's Howard Alcock, Professor of government at Northumbria university, as a far-right racist party. Most of its council candidates, agents, parliamentary candidates and activists across the region are former BNP members. As Conservative Peer Lord Heseltine rightly notes Ukip has mopped up the old fascist BNP vote while also appealing to a significant minority of former Labour (and to a lesser extent Lib-Dem voters).

Research by Rob Ford and his colleagues have suggested that it's facile to believe that all Ukip voters are racist. Some are. But as Ford argues most Ukip voters are white working-class, live in blue-collar households and feel excluded and marginalised from the democratic process. They are the direct victims of globalisation, suffer the worst impact of austerity and are both anti-EU migration and political elite (of all the main parties).

In their re-published book, 'Ukip: Revolt on the Right', Ford and Matthew Goodwin of Manchester University, argue convincingly that England and Wales' third largest Party is getting its biggest electoral support from low-income, cash-strapped, insecure male white working-class voters, who feel ''alienated'' from a perceived London-centric metropolitan liberal elite, who dominate Labour, a party originally founded to represent the interests of working people and their families. The party has in the last twenty years become increasingly ''embougeoisified'' - in other words more middle-class both in terms of active membership, representation on pubic bodies and leadership. And more so many of these voters must put up with the sneers of a 'liberal culture' that dismisses their concerns.

According to Nick Lowles of the anti-racism campaign group, 'Hope not Hate', the typical Ukip voter is made of blue-collar working households, of which 'blue-collar strivers' and 'ageing council estate tenants' are most dominate. They tend to be employed in low-income blue-collar jobs, but are aspirational for both themselves and their children. In Newcastle Central - a diverse constituency in terms of ethnicity, age, gender, socio-economic status, sexuality, and disability- turn-out was only 56% well below the national average of 66%. Many C1, C2, D and E-group  voters did stick with Labour. Yet swathes of working-class voters living in the inner-city wards and outer council estates either supported Ukip or simply stayed at home. But as Ford and Goodwin stress it's more than this: ''Ukip articulates a more specific idea: the resentment and anger of the old Labour working-class base.''

According to Ford, to many of these people Labour cares more about the welfare of migrants, minority interest groups and is pre-occupied with 'Identity Politics' rather than its core vote - those being hit hard by austerity with job insecurity, stagnating  wages and competition for scarce public resources such as social housing. Of- course migration has brought benefits to our city and region - a walk through the inner-west bears this out with a variety of food, cafes, shops and people of different nationalities rubbing along with each other. Those who feel threatened by it are not white middle-class professionals: but disaffected, financially insecure blue-collar workers, and what the sociologist, Mike Savage terms ''The Precariat'': those in and out of the jobs market. To the French marxist economist, Stephen Castles, migration benefits the 'ruling-class' by making labour cheap ''dividing the working-class'' whilst  fostering resentment and in some cases racism. This in turn helps to explain growing support for hard right parties like Ukip or the fascist group, the EDL.

Despite the merits of Labour's 2015 manifesto, little was said about the dire situation facing women and men in their mid-fifties - ''the left behinds'' - too often seen as finished and forgotten. This group have life experience and skills, but due to age based discrimination few bosses (with the exception of the enlightened few like Sainsbury's and B and Q) take them on. At best Labour did promise to crack down on 'dodgy' employers who undercut wages and restrict welfare payments to new arrivals. But these messages were never effectively communicated to Labour's core vote on the dubious grounds that it could be seen as racist.

Furthermore, many working-class Labour and Ukip voters feel that they're losing their cultural identity of being 'English'. These are the very people who Labour is in danger of losing to Ukip. In the words of John Cruddas, Labour MP for Dagenham, architect of the concept 'Blue Labour', ''since 2005, voters who are socially conservative are the most likely have deserted Labour. They value home, family and their country. They feel their cultural identity is under threat.'' In 2015, hundreds of thousands of these voters backed Ukip especially in marginal  Labour-Tory marginal North West constituencies. Without the presence of  Ukip, Labour could have gained an extra 30 seats! As the historian, Tristram Hunt , MP for Stoke, argues in The Observer, ''a failure to appreciate the value of Englishness played an important role in our 2015 defeat.''  And as other have noted the current leadership under Corbyn, McDonnell and Abbot have done nothing to alter this, let along grasp it. ''Indeed, Corbyn's cosmopolitan views on immigration, benefits, the monarchy and the armed forces are likely to have exacerbated the disconnect'', warns Hunt. Without descending into nationalism or the ''balkanisation of the UK'', Cruddas, Hunt et al, in their new book, ''Labour's Identity Crisis'',  advocate an 'English Labour Party' (like the Scottish Labour Party 48 mile up from Newcastle) and radical devolution of powers to the regions such as the North East, Cumbria, Midlands and the North West to prevent further leaking of Labour support to Ukip in the 2020 general election. 

If Labour is to stop Ukip's surge it  has to start winning back blue-collar families. This group forms a significant part of the 'Ukip coalition' and are strongly represented in several of the key seats at risk of Ukip in all out city elections in May 2018. Labour must engage with these voters - not by lecturing or talking at them and telling them they're wrong or they've  been culturally brainwashed by the right-wing  capitalist tabloid press.  But by genuinely listening to their concerns. Contrary to the traditional marxist view, Ukip voters or for that matter the working-class a whole are not suffering from ''false consciousness''.

As Lowles points out these groups have experienced a life-time of rapid and unsettling socio-economic change around their communities and feel threatened by it. Put simply some people as they get older find it deeply unsettling. They see Ukip as an outlet for these insecurities and have little time for mainstream parties or politicians. Labour must get re-established in its urban heartlands by re-connecting with its core vote, responding to their grievances and focusing on doorstep 'quality of life' issues such as jobs, anti-social behaviour, housing, litter, bins, housing and immigration.

On migration Labour nationally must formulate a credible policy position. There's nothing xenophobic about having anxieties about inward migration. Even established BAME communities are concerned about it according to one report. This must be coupled with promoting community cohesion and integration while respecting cultural diversity.

On the forthcoming EU Referendum Labour's leadership must argue the case for continued membership with more gusto: improved workplace rights, free health care in the Grand Canary or Crete, jobs, investment and economic benefits. This case needs to be thrashed out not on the Euro-Star but in the local Bar and cafes across our neighbourhoods.

The House of Commons and Town Halls need to be more representative of the wider community. Although there's been a sharp increase in the number of women and BME groups there are too few working-class MPs. Councillors with a manual worker background are in danger of becoming an endangered species. Yet these are the very people who can easily connect to the working-class electorate in urban neighbourhoods. Labour needs to demonstrate that every day politics can work for Ukip voters. This will be no easy task but will require long-term work well beyond the EU referendum. But if Labour is serious in challenging the politics of protest, anger and grievance and see Ukip off, it must win back the hearts and  minds of blue-collar households.

Stephen Lambert is a freelance reporter who has had over 230 articles published in LGA First, The Journal, Newsquest, Northern Echo, and Post-16 Educator. He is founder and director of  the not-for-profit company, Education4Democracy NE. The views expressed don't necessarily reflect those of Education4Democracy NE Advisory Board.

'Where are You going to Get your Guns from Comrade'? Militant: A Tendency For Trouble Making

FIRST PUBLISHED in 1984, Militant was widely praised as a masterpiece of investigative journalism. In an updated edition, Michael Crick, arguably the country's best political journalist, explores the origins, organisation and aims of the ''sinister''  Militant Tendency which appeared on the British political landscape in the early 1980s.

Militant until its mass expulsion from the Labour Party in the late eighties was a secret, 8,000 strong Trotskyite organisation ,which embedded itself in one of the UKs most prominent mass political parties. According to Crick, Militant had its main power base on Merseyside, but also had a  notable presence in Brighton, Coventry, east London and Tyneside. In Newcastle by 1982 it had its own regional GHQ in the well furnished attic of the 'Star Hotel', Westgate Road : its activities marked  by the whirring of printing presses, photocopying machines and the clacking of Remington typewriters.

In the brilliantly researched book using a range of primary and secondary sources Crick revealed that Militant was a party within a party with its own hierarchial organisation, structure, membership and policy programme. It was an unaccountable clique which met secretly and had an army of paid full-time workers who far outnumbered the party they claimed to support. At its peak in the mid-eighties, Militant, a revolutionary body, that pretended to a be a weekly left-wing socialist paper was ''in effect a secret political party and had probably more full-time workers than the Labour party itself.'' Even the American Embassy and MI5 subscribed to it!

Strangely the ''faction'' had put down roots in Russell group universities like Sussex and Oxford where one of Militant's gurus, Andrew Glynn, taught economics to the off-spring of Britain's ''ruling class''. In 1983 Militant got control of Liverpool City Council with the sharp suited, perma-tanned Derek Hatton as deputy leader - in effect the real leader over the  moderate John Hamilton , whose own office was ''bugged' by prominent Militant councillors. Despite the collapse of the Labour vote across most of the country, Militant managed to get two of its MPs elected both in both Coventry and Liverpool    Broadgreen in 1983 under a Labour party ticket.

Nationally Militant was headed up by the dour, puritanical Trotskyite Ted Grant, 75, who had a fondness for ''jelly babies and gobstoppers'' whilst facilitating theoretical marxism symposiums in some of Britain's coastal retreats, including Holy Island, Northumberland. Despite his age and Leninist convictions, Grant was able to pull together and consolidate a secret, highly disciplined organisation made up of 500 ''activists'', each recruited ''with a religious intensity''. The first job was to sell the turgid  weekly Militant paper - one Tyneside activist  tried to push through a backdated copy of militant in a council street in deprived Fawdon only to be chased by the tenant ''you wouldn't do this in posh Gosforth''! Too right: the only thing you would be pushing through there would be a backdated copy of  'The Lady'. On selling 100 papers a week to factory workers, recruits would then be initiated into the ''sacred marxist texts''.  Having undergone the intensive 18 month indoctrination programme  they would become ''leading comrades'' - paid organisers on the average wage of a skilled worker with a chilling remit to conduct ''political education'' programmes amongst the gullible.

As Crick points out Militant was a dour and self-concious workerist ''proletarian outfit'' with a complete monopoly over Labour's youth wing, the ''young socialists'': No sex, no drugs and no booze was the order of the day. Men sported short hair, jackets and ties with a propensity for early bedtimes (no masturbation) , soccer, table tennis and a game of tug of war at dawn for leisure. With its commitment to ''nationalise the  top 200 monopolies''and Workers's Councils, Militant's leadership had no time for ''trendy'' left- wing causes such women's rights, nuclear disarmament and gay issues - which it dubbed as ''a symptom of capitalism'' or a ''bourgeois deviation'' which would wither away with the advent of revolutionary socialism!

For Crick, Militant was Britain's fourth largest political party. From 1984 Labour leader Neil Kinnock attempted to reform Labour  -having suffered its worst election defeat in 1983 since its inception. In the famous passionate speech delivered at Labour's annual conference in 1985 he rightly took on the ''sectarians''. Many party leaders 'up north ' in Newcastle backed the move with the notable exception of Alan Milburn, then a standard-bearer for the 'Bennite' hard-left. In a gutsy article to the region's daily paper, The Journal, we expressed our full support for Kinnock over his tough stance on the activities of the Militant Tendency, both in Liverpool, Tyneside and elswhere in the country. We felt the only remedy was ''radical surgery'', a full scale purge of those party members who belonged to Militant. Eventually, hundreds were expelled, including top playwright Ed Waugh, then a paid Organiser in Newcastle, Dave Cotterall, a trade union official in the civil servants union at the Longbenton Ministry, Gavin Dudley, 26, dapper, polished, articulate with a double first in Maths from Oxford (long suspected as a MI5 mole). and Militant's charismatic chief PR man, Derek Hatton.

Hatton in his defence, when up against Labour's soft-left dominated NEC, claimed that Militant was merely a newspaper. Evidence by Crick and our own in-depth  under-cover investigation in Newcastle told us this was far from the case. Militant was a ''sect'' not unlike the Moonies. If this wasn't true, why didn't the money given to Militant (often from the jobless, sick and mentally ill) go into cash -strapped constituency  Labour parties to support more full-time agents and campaigning?  Derek and his side-kick, fellow marxist councillor Tony Mulhearn, now head of the re-named Socialist Party, derided Labour's policies on unemployment, the economy and welfare as ''narrow and simplistic''. Mainstream ''normal'' party members at the time were intimidated, and branded as ''class traitors'' and regarded with utter contempt.

As Crick argues Militant arrogantly clung to the belief that they were the sole custodians of an absolute socialist truth. The fact that their ideology of  'Marxist-Leninism' and their practice of 'democratic centralism' was firmly rejected by Labour in 1918 cut little ice with Militant's authoritarian leadership. Militant, as Crick and others have noted, had little in common with democratic socialism, social democracy or for that matter working people and their families. If a significant section of the working class would not vote for a bold socialist programme in 1983, how could you expect it to die for it on the barricades. Had Militant seized control of the Labour Party (it certainly created havoc within its ranks), and in the unlikely event of  it being elected, Britain would have been transformed into an East European totalitarian satellite state. With the fall of the Berlin Wall and the total collapse of command-led communist economies, history  has shown that working households in the main live better in liberal-democracies than so called Socialist republics.

It's clear that Militant was a sinister: even a dangerous organisation in Britain's core cities and urban towns. MI5 and Special Branch had been monitoring its activities well into the late seventies. During this turbulent period in British politics many felt , rightly, that Militant was a major threat to Parliamentary democracy, national security  with its mission to create an unaccountable,uncontrollable, corporate state. Although by the late eighties, with the expulsion of  one thousand more ''entryists'', the 'Tendency' still kept a power base in the newly formed Anti-Poll Tax Federation led by the enigmatic Tommy Sheridan, which organised riots in London in 1990. Contrary to left-wing belief, it was pressure from one nation backbench Conservative MPs  fearful of losing their marginal seats in the  midlands that led  to the abolition of  the hated Community charge and the eventual demise of Mrs Thatcher in 1991: not the Militant run anti-poll tax campaign. By 1992 most of  its activists either abandoned the ''revolutionary road to socialism'' by getting 'normal jobs' and settling down. According to the late Joe Ashton MP, A significant number joined the far-right British Nationalist Party (BNP)  in the noughties which had a similar policy programme to that of Militant (without the racism). A significant number did quite well out of 'capitalism' including Derek Hatton who became a successful PR Executive, businessman, chat show host, male model and property speculator. - now running an enterprising green 'Bike-toWork' scheme in Liverpool with tenuous links to Newcastle City Council.

Out in the cold, Militant rebranded itself as The Socialist Party: under Jeremy Corbyn's new style Labour party it has tried, with some success, to infiltrate one of the party's  new main factions 'Momentum'. As Andy Beckett, the author, argues, Momentum, though a hard-left movement, is not the front organisation for a 'modernised' Militant Tendency. Although the Labour leader defended Militant as part of a perceived ''witch hunt' against the hard-left in 1987, Crick in his book, acknowledges that ''Corbyn was never anywhere near being a member of Militant.'' Nor is it the case that the rise of Corbyn's ''new politics'' is attributable to ''far-left entryism'': rather it can be attributed more to the phenomenon of ''Corbynmania'' which captured the imagination of thousands of idealistic young adults.

With an insurgence of far left activity both inside and outside Labour coupled  with the alarming growth of the far right and Islamic Fundamentalist groups both in the UK and Europe, Crick's book is timely, informative and relevant in making sense of political extremism in the  second decade of the 21st- century. Whilst Militant was finally ''purged'' by Labour in 1990, its legacy was long-lasting causing huge damaging 'rifts' within the party. Crick rightly concludes it ''closed the door to Downing Street for almost a generation''. The door  only opened with the election of Tony Blair as the modernising PM in 1997 with a credible policy programme that was relevant to the changing British electorate.

Stephen Lambert, founder and director, Education4Democracy NE is an investigative journalist and card carrying member of the NUJ. Stephen  was a member of the Newcastle Labour Party Executive Committee in 1984-86 and was partly responsible for the expulsion of dozens of  Militant members from the Labour Party. A member of the approved parliamentary panel, he contested the Berwick Upon Tweed seat in the 1987 general election at the age of 27 and Roxburgh in 1992.

Stephen writes in a personal capacity.

For info:

Michael Crick' s book 'Militant' is published by BitebackPublishing  Paperback £10.99

 

Who Runs Our Colleges?

CENTRAL GOVERNMENT this year have launched 'Area Reviews' - a strategic plan to reduce the number of further education colleges both across our region and the country as a whole. In the North East there are about 16 colleges - some of which are 15 miles away from each other such as Bishop Auckland and Northumberland College. Dressed up as an efficiency move, the real  motive of-course is to reduce costs. To date, Tyne Met College has merged with South Tyneside College and the global player in the game, NCG, has merged with Carlisle College - 64 miles away and is planning to merge with Southwick and Lewisham College 300 miles south of Newcastle!

Several public policy analysts believe that this strategy is short-sighted, ill-thought out and misguided. Some of the smaller institutions - mostly in rural and disadvantaged areas will simply close or be gobbled up by larger organisations.: a whole generation of learners living in remote parts of the region will be abandoned. Potential students will not be able to access courses or learning programmes due the lack of public transport. But this recent development comes hard on the heels of growing centralisation of post-16 and adult educational provision. It raise the key question: Who runs our colleges in the second decade of the 21st century?

Since 1992 further education, seen as the 'Cinderella part of the system', has been hit hard by successive central government policies (with perhaps the exception of New Labour which invested heavily into the sector in 1998-2007) mostly damaging to students, staff and communities. The Further Education and Higher Education Act implemented in 1993 destroyed many traditional Community based colleges - successful America - whose remit was to meet the needs and aspirations of local neighbourhoods, the 16-19 age cohort, 'mature' students over 21 returning to learning and businesses rooted in the community.

'Corporatisation'  or 'Incorporation' in the mid-noughties meant that further education colleges were cut loose from local education authorities (Leas) and run as large-sized medium businesses motivated by the profit factor. The rationale behind this change was to open up colleges to the free market and remove the ''the dead hand of local government''. Arguably these changes had a detrimental impact on college teachers - those on ''the whiteboard face''. Tough new contracts were imposed requiring lecturers to teach class sizes of up to 40 for 24 hours a week on top of endless paperwork and red tape. Nationally negotiated salary scales with UCU  were scrapped in some institutions and replaced with American style systems of performance related pay. Alarmingly in a climate of teacher shortages thousands of experienced Ofsted grade 1 and 2  teachers have been the victims of 're-organisation strategies' with the end result of 30 per cent pay cuts. Those staff in their fifties have been ''weeded out'' via ageist employment practices and replaced with unqualified people and NQTs aged 22 and paid a salary of £18,000 to £23,600 a year with little opportunity of career progression.

Subjected to a sterile sea of neo-liberal management speak such as ''corporate touch down space strategies'', ''development plans'' and ''learning hubs'' some teachers have been downgraded to the status of ''instructors'' or ''mechanistic technicians'' facilitating groups of students glued to a computer screen for half the week under the guise of 'E-learning'. Some of the provision is arguably 'good' or 'outstanding' (Like the 'Chef's Academy' at Newcastle College), but some of the ''learning programmes'' (courses) are of a dubious quality and to often irrelevant to the needs of the regional economy as noted by a shock Newcastle Council scrutiny report, 'Skills For The Future', published in January 2016.

The management culture in some of the larger institutions is based on the old Stalinist communist GDR model with an unhealthy emphasis on ''fear and control'' whilst a minority of the bigger corporations possess a ''fascist infrastructure'' allowing ''dotty''  far-right groupings to infiltrate junior management positions and teaching posts. Further-up the pedagogic food chain a small, but growing number of 'Walter Mitty' characters with suspect CVs have got top jobs. One CEO of a large college in south -east England is an educational advisor to Ukip leader Nigel Farage, while in the North East foreign born political extremists have joined the post-16 teaching profession delivering subjects as diverse as Politics  and Sociology.

According to Pat Ainley, Professor of Education of Greenwich University  ''learning walks'' have been introduced in many colleges which involves three managers sitting in a lesson with a stony face tapping into a lap top. Failure to achieve a Grade 1 (''excellent') or 2 ('Good') in a lesson observation too often results in teachers being placed on ''a capability procedure'' despite the fact that the same teachers get their loyal students through tough A-level exams with high pass rates. Although Ofsted rightly has a duty to inspect both teaching and learning every four years, many CEOs now hire outside bodies made up of former HMIs and retirees to conduct 'lesson observations' on an annual basis. These individuals are paid up to £400 a day at a cost to the British taxpayer. Stress, mental ill-health and staff bullying is rife in the further education sector. According to Cary Cooper one of Britain's leading management psychologists, teaching remains the second most stressful occupation behind social work. To many educational Dons like Dr Robin Simmons, Professor of Education at Huddersfield University, the sector further down the food chain, has become increasingly ''proletarianised'' in the last decade or so resulting in teachers lacking any real control over their work in the classroom. It's little wonder that hundreds of decent teachers are leaving the  profession in their droves to work in fee-paying schools both in the Uk and abroad or going into private industry.

Meanwhile, the ''marketization'' of further education has led to Principals being rebranded as CEOs with eye watering salaries in excess of £160,000  a year. The former maverick boss of Newcastle College Group Dame Jackie Fisher CBE, prior to her sudden departure in 2013, was coining it in on a yearly salary in excess of £250,000 coupled with bonus payments, private health care and a civil service-type index linked pension: more than double the annual salary of the PM David Cameron who runs the country! None of these people teach as part of their weekly duties : their time being consumed in a succession of meetings  and strategic workshops at great cost to the public purse. Further evidence of 'monetisation' can be seen in the appointment of Principals: Two people doing the job of one, Vice-Principals, Assistant Principals and Deputy Principals and directors of curriculum - people who set the timetable in September and occupy the rest of the business year devising up ''gimmicks'' like 'New Curriculum Models' involving one-hour teacher -led power-point presentation's in 200 capacity lecture theatres coupled up with 'workshops' and one ''real lesson'' bolted on at the end. This model, imported from the States, was piloted in both a Midlands College and Newcastle Sixth Form College in 2005-06 and was so successful that the AS level pass rate plummeted to below 68 per cent from 89%. Dubbed a 'curriculum catastrophe' by Ofsted, the model was quickly abandoned in 2006. Lessons returned ''to normal'' and the A-level pass rate in both institutions rose to 90 odd per cent in all subject  areas. In 2012 NSFC was graded a solid 2 (''Good'') by HMIs despite the fact that the Ofsted Team ''were sent packing'' by Dame Fisher after only two days in the College!

Organisations such as NCG till two years ago had grandiose dreams of building massive education business empires, some global in range with a notable presence in China, with discrete local colleges. To its credit, NCG, under a new leader, Joe Docherty, a former banker with Barclays, but with a regional economic development background, has forged a new constructive partnership with Newcastle City Council, and is focusing its efforts of meeting the needs of local communities and excluded groups such as Neet. Furthermore Access to HE programmes have been restored , having been decimated by Dame Jackie in 2011, providing a ''fresh start'' to those disadvantaged adults who left school at 16 - some Neet, some lone-parents and others with caring responsibilities.

Likewise, many of these ''corporations'' operate in secret (not unlike the 'Freemasons') lacking any democratic or community accountability. Governing Body meetings where and when they exist are not open to the public or media. Recorded minutes as to what took place or what decisions were made remain secret. Some are contemptuous of elected politicians like MPs or councillors. Even Mrs Fisher declared that the only person she was accountable to was the Secretary of State for Education! Most governing bodies are packed out with businessmen with no educational management or teaching experience in the classroom. Few, if any elected representatives (with the notable exception of Gateshead College recently assessed as ''outstanding'' in all areas) sit on these bodies: there remains an absence of representation from the Third Sector or from the wider community.

Take the NCG Board - which has an over-representation of members from the private sector. 10 are business people. Although bringing about a wealth of commercial and industrial expertise, there's a clear need to strengthen these boards with people who have had direct experience at the ''chalk-face''. Given Ofsted's renewed commitment that the learner must remain central in any college's business strategy, let's have more lecturers, learning assistants, parents and students serving on these bodies. As Professor Danny Dorling recommends : even the dinner lady may have something to offer given that she's at the front-line in dealing with students every lunchtime. In short there's an urgent need to ''democratise' college governing bodies.

With the advent of devolution in Wales, the Welsh regional assembly in 2010 decided to ''de-incorporate'' further education, and focus on what colleges (known to the older generation as the 'old techs') had always been about namely: centres for post-16 vocational education and training; GCSE and GCE A-level provision; adult and community education; quality two -year apprenticeships with day release for fitters, admin workers and hairdressers. In other words prioritising the needs and aspirations of local communities, public sector bodies, business, not-for-profit voluntary organisations and social enterprises, not the Far East or Dubai, the nation's principal economic competitors. Colleges need to rebrand themselves as 'community colleges' and shed their bureaucratic baggage and rigid hierarchies as we progress into the 21st century. Curriculum provision needs to be of a high quality like in Germany and France not the USA: ''Wise up not dumb down'' as noted by Ainley in his 2016 book, ''A Generation Betrayed: How Further Education is Failing''.

Central government must abandon its 'Area Review Strategy' with plans to further amalgamate the number of colleges which would simply end up creating unaccountable ''Titan Colleges'' headed up by supra-renumerated CEOs as well as being both geographically and socially inaccessible to potential students.  As many civic leaders have argued there's a pressing requirement to bring about greater democratic accountability built into governing bodies with representation from local government, charities and the community itself. Although it remains impracticable and costly for LEAs (in light of accelerating academisation) to resume strategic responsibility for the further education sector, the setting up of regional combined authorities in Greater Manchester, Merseyside and the North East offers an excellent opportunity for scrutiny and overview of what these colleges are doing in the second decade of the (21st century.

Stephen Lambert is founder and director, Education4Democracy NE Cic. A Newcastle City Councillor, Stephen has had 30 years successful teaching experience in the further, adult and higher education sector at Newcastle and Bishop Auckland Colleges. Stephen is a Grade 1/2 ('Very Good') Ofsted graded teacher and  Grade (1) manager. Awarded 'Advanced Practitioner' status in 1998, he served as a Mentor in both Colleges.

The views expressed don't necessarily reflect  the charity's Advisory Board or Newcastle Council.

Why It's Time That We Were Made to Cast Our Votes

VOTING IS the most fundamental form of  civic participation in a democracy like Britain. Yet voter 'turn-out' has slumped since the fifties - from about 80% in the 1951 general election to 65 % in 2015. In the Newcastle North constituency only 55 per cent of those registered to vote did so! Amongst some demographic groups like the young, aged 18 to 34, only 45 per cent put a cross on a ballot paper: yet several young adults do express some interest in political issues such as climate change or animal welfare and are prepared to join single-issue campaign groups. - a bizarre paradox.

And more teenagers are studying modern British with European history and GCE A-level government and politics than ever before at local colleges such as Newcastle and New College, Durham and school sixth forms including St, Mary's, Gosforth Academy and the fee-paying RGS..

Turn-out is even lower in Town Hall elections, Euro-elections and even referendums (with the notable exception of the referendum on whether Scotland should go separate from the rest of the UK where turn-out hit an eye watering 85%). Turn-out in Newcastle city council elections averages 40%: but was considerably lower in disadvantaged wards like Westgate where turn-out was a derisory 30%. On the continent, where local government is held  in  high esteem, turn-outs tend to be 60% in German towns and 80% in nearby France.

However, our nation is not alone in having 'poor turnout' in municipal and national elections. Low levels of electoral participation (with the exception of France and Germany) is a central feature of other major liberal democracies such as the USA, and have been subject to much social analysis by academics such as Bob Puttman in his classic republished book, 'Bowling Alone'. To several political scientists significant non-voting threatens the democratic legitimacy of any elected body. According to Paul Whiteley: ''If this is not a crisis of democratic politics in Britain, then it's hard to know what would be'', while Manchester University Don Bill Jones notes: ''worryingly large numbers of people have little faith in the political system.''

There remains an on-going discourse in UK universities as to why 40 odd per cent of the electorate don't bother to vote, despite the widespread availability of postal voting, which takes the hassle out of walking to a polling station which may be a mile away. It's generally assumed by some academics that apathy, anomie, or alienation may be key factors, and that mandatory voting (with non-voters being fined) would help reinvigorate an atomised section of the electorate. Let's consider the arguments for and against compulsion.

The argument for compulsion is quite attractive, especially when other methods of boosting turnout haven't been highly successful such as postal voting as noted earlier, online voting and longer polling hours. It's already practiced to some extent in several countries, including Australia (where turnout is 96%), Austria, Belgium and Greece, and seems to work well. Others have pointed out that if turnout continues to fall it raises the possibility that extremist parties like the fascist 'Britain First' could be elected. Likewise, a liberal democracy is entitled to look upon voting as a civic duty for its citizens. Over 75 per cent of older people in the UK believe it's their obligation to vote.

Let's not forget that working-class movements in the 19th century such as the Chartism and Trade unionism and first wave feminist campaigns like the Suffragette movement at the turn of the 20th century were prepared to give up their lives for the right to vote. And many more died during World War Two (1939-45) to protect Britain's democratic way of life and political culture against Hitler's fascist expansion to take over the whole of Europe. Don't we have a moral obligation to those millions of servicemen and women both on the home front and abroad ? Yet many members of the 'commentariat' are strongly against mandatory voting for the following reasons:

Apathy, it's argued, may not be the chief cause behind non-voting or abstentions. It could be confusion and lack of knowledge about politics or the lack of any candidate representing the voters' views. If indifference is the main factor behind non-voting, it may not arise from laziness. It could stem from distrust of politicians and the democratic system itself. Certainly there's ample survey evidence to indicate that lots of people have little faith in elected politicians, particularly at national or European level. One recent report (unfairly in my view) concluded  that Estate Agents and tabloid journalists have a better standing in society than some politicians. This is partly attributable to the ''Cash for Questions' affair involving the ''dodgy'' ex-government Minister Neil Hamilton; the MPs and Peers  expenses scandal exposed in  2009 by an American investigative reporter under the Freedom of Information Act where over a third of nationally elected representatives from all political parties were abusing the system by 'lining their own pockets''. If so, it's suggested, we shouldn't  blame and punish non-voters, but make politics cleaner, transparent, more relevant and arguably more idealistic: ''The New Politics'' to some like Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn.

Lastly, some writers have pointed out that 'forced' voting is anti-democratic because it  takes away freedom of choice. But to counteract this view, why not have a box on the ballot paper saying none of the above. This summer will see an EU referendum - the outcome which will determine the UK's future in both Europe and the world. Overall, in the light of the sharp demise in electoral turnout, surely the time has come for our nation to adopt compulsory voting, with fines being imposed on those who won't vote either in a polling booth or by post.

Councillor Stephen Lambert is founder and director of  Education4Democracy NE. The views expressed don't necessarily reflect the company's Advisory Board or Newcastle City Council.

City Charity Boss Warns of The Forward March of Ukip and the Growth of the Far Right in the North

ALTHOUGH LABOUR consolidated its hold on Newcastle City Council by retaining all its key council seats and gaining two: North Jesmond and Ouseburn,  democracy charity boss Stephen Lambert this week, warned that the party had to wake up ''to the forward march'' of the hard-right symbolised by Nigel Farage's quasi-racist United Kingdom Independence Party.

Although Ukip achieved only 13% of the vote in the Labour held city, it made ''significant advances'' from 2015 in over nine Labour held seats on Thursday May 5 2016 gaining a staggering 33% share of the vote in Scotswood and Benwell against a well respected established community councillor . In nearby Newburn, Kenton and Walker Ukip attained over 20% of the vote with paper candidates with no visible evidence of campaigning. In Denton it achieved 24 % of the popular vote with an unknown candidate: while in Walkergate in the east  end of the city, the 'Little-Englander' party, achieved 27% of the vote against a born and bred Labour incumbent. According to figures obtained by Education4Democracy NE, Ukip is now in a solid second place behind Labour in nine  council wards with little sign of retracting.

Mr Lambert, director of E4D NE, said: '' Ukip is now the main challenger to Labour both in Newcastle and other core towns in the region with the Liberal-Democrat Party confined to a handful of suburbs. The Conservative Party has failed once again to make any discernible impact in the city or in nearby North Tyneside and lost its remaining councillor in South Tyneside.''

Mr. Lambert warned that Labour locally, regionally and nationally had to address the concerns of those blue-collar ex- Labour voters who were backing Ukip :- concerns over bread and butter issues including jobs, low pay, crime and migration. And he stressed that the Party was  failing to get its message across about the benefits of EU membership such as free health in Spain or Grand Canary as well as workplace rights.

''Contrary to popular belief Ukip up North is not deriving its electoral support from disaffected euro-sceptic Conservatives, but from a significant minority of 'Old Labour' voters who feel excluded and marginalised in the democratic process .Whilst gaining over a third of the vote in working-class Scotswood, Ukip  gained a derisory 3% of the vote in leafy Gosforth,'' he added.

According to desk research conducted by Education4Democracy NE, many white working-class former- Labour voters who have defected to Ukip feel left behind by globalisation, have felt the adverse impact of austerity the most, and are both anti-immigration and anti-political elite. The charity warns that Labour should be alarmed by the deep haemorrhaging  of its core working-class vote to Ukip. The Party came a respectable second in two parliamentary by-elections on May 5 2016; it more than doubled its council seats in England, acquiring votes in northern Labour bedrock regions and south east new towns like Basildon and Thurrock and made a notable presence in the Welsh Assembly gaining seven seats for the first time.

With the rise of Donald Trump in America and the rapid growth of Far Right parties in France, Austria, Belgium, Germany and Holland, Ukip is  ''not going to go away'' regardless of the EU referendum result.  The Far Right is getting an electoral foothold is many public bodies across Europe notes the charity and this trend is likely to continue.

Mr. Lambert said : ''The real risk for Labour in its traditional heatlands both in the North East and elsewhere is that it becomes more productive territory for Ukip in the wake of the referendum, especially if Nigel Farrage is displaced with a leader with more voter appeal.''

''In the run-up to the EU Referendum Labour is failing 'to connect' with its core vote over the advantages of EU membership namely investment, jobs, social protection and travel. The dialogue must get off the Euro-Star and get into the neighbourhood Bar,'' he added.

What Now For Labour: Fighting For The Soul of The Party in The Second Decade of the 21st century

THE POLITICAL landscape of the left has changed under Jeremy Corbyn's leadership of the Labour Party with some groups from the eighties re-emerging and some being formed. To some political commentators the Labour Party of the second decade of the 21st century is fast becoming 'factionalised' which threatens the Party's existence and future as a major player in Britain's liberal-democracy

This, however, is not a new phenomena.  Historically the Party has experienced divisions such as the split between the Bevanites (the Left) and the Gaitskellites  (the traditional Right) over issues such as public ownership and unilateralism in the fifties. It was not until the sixties under Harold Wilson that the Party became united and enjoyed a lengthy spell in government until 1970 and again from 1974 to 1979. With the election of Mrs Thatcher's  new-right Conservative government, the division opened up between the left-wing 'Bennites', the infiltration of the Militant Tendency in the eighties and the 'Moderates' which arguably split the Party, led to the formation of the breakaway SDP in 1981, and resulted in three severe election defeats in 1983, 1987 and 1992. As elder statesman Gerald Kaufman noted on Labour's socialist 1983 manifesto which committed the Party to mass nationalisation, withdrawal from the EEC and banning  nuclear weapons,  ''It was the longest suicide note in history''. The Party barely managed to achieve 8m votes!

It was not until 1992 that Labour became a  modernised united party under the late John Smith and the telegenic youthful leader Tony Blair who achieved electoral success in 1997 with a landside victory of 179 seats over the Conservatives. And repeated again in 2001 and 2005. Rebranded 'New Labour'  with meaningful and relevant policies to working people and their families, 'Middle-England' and minorities, Labour won big. Yet it lost in 2010 under Gordon Brown. Five years later under Ed Miliband it lost again and this time badly with David Cameron's Conservative Party unexpectedly achieving a 12 seat working majority.

Now the Party is at war with itself between the hard left 'Corbynistas' who dominate the membership and the moderates who make up the Parliamentary Labour Party and the mainstream of elected local government. But to some analysts this is an over-simplification as the crude divide obscures underlying factionalism between a number of groupings - some driven by ideological concerns others by pragmatism. So who are they and what do they stand for:

Inside Labour there's 'Progress', a long-standing group of moderates which acts as the voice of the 'Blairites'. Key figures include former Spin-Doctor Peter Mandelson, Liz Kendall MP ,  a leading moderniser who lost out badly in last year's leadership contest, Joe Docherty, NCG Boss, and rising star leader of Newcastle City Council Nick Forbes who has his sights on  becoming the North East's first Mayoral candidate. The group, under its leader Richard Angel, has restated its beliefs in ethical capitalism, equality and identity politics a round LGBT rights and is hostile to the Coybyn leadership which it views as a road to electoral oblivion.

'Labour First' is a long-established group of the Party's traditional right-wing with roots in the trade union movement and has its power base in the PLP: Key figures include John Mann MP and Kevan Jones, the elected member for Durham North. It's a well organised and machine-based organisation, moderate and has no little faith in Jeremy Corbyn's leadership.

'Momentum',  a hard left grouping was established last year by the young supporters of Corbyn who aim to develop it as a grassroots campaigning social movement with a particular concern to boost voter registration. Chaired by Jon Lansman, a former 'Bennite', its key regional figures include Martin Gannon, Deputy leader, Gateshead Borough Council , Councillor David Stockdale who heads up Communities on Newcastle City Council (Jeremy Corbyn's regional campaign manager) and Tyneside 'Trade Union and Socialist Coalition' official Tony Dowling, a committed Marxist. It's ideological fixation is rooted firmly in the Party's traditional socialist left. The faction is slowly developing a democratic structure and employs four youthful members of staff in London, but its funding remains unknown. Critics within the PLP regard it as a far-left 'entryist' front organisation for revolutionary sects and cults such as Socialist Action, Socialist Organiser and the Socialist Party- known to many as the 'Militant Tendency'. Although moderates want the organisation closed down, Momentum's leadership have reiterated that decision-making is restricted to Labour members only.

'Open Left' has recently been set up as the mouthpiece of the ''normal'' soft-left of the Party. Its aim is to rekindle the ideas and policies of former leader Ed Miliband with an emphasis on challenging inequality and climate change. The group, small in number, aims to reach out to those young members of the Labour Party who have become ''alienated'' from the hard-left Momentum.

Operating on the fringes of the Labour Party are a number of  far-left ''outsider groups''. The Socialist Party, formerly Militant, which caused mayhem in Labour throughout the eighties, is a Leninist, authoritarian  organisation which believes in the revolutionary road to socialism. Regarded as sinister by the security services, this group has managed to infiltrate several branches of Momentum and has recently called for the de-selection of mainstream Labour MPs such as Stella Creasy. Some of its members have joined Labour.

The ultra-left wing Socialist Workers Party (SWP) is a long standing Trotskyite organisation which is committed to the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism. The Party has gone through a number of internal splits over rape allegations amongst its members and is active in some branches of Momentum. MI5, for some years, has been monitoring its activities. During the nineties Special branch  planted agents into the organisation.

The controversial 'Stop The War Coalition' is best understood as being a pressure group rather than a Political Party, but retains close links with Labour at a national level. Once disregarded as a SWP front organisation, this 'social movement' managed to mobilise thousands of people to oppose the Iraq War in 2003. Until recently, the organisation has never been subject to serious scrutiny. Jeremy Corbyn was it's chairman for several years. Yet critics both inside and outside the Labour Party such as journalist and author Nick Cohen see it as being pro-Putin, pro-Stalin and pro-Assad and has been dubbed by the satirical magazine, Private Eye, as 'Stop The West'!

Contentious social media postings condoning the Paris terrorist attacks and calling for a declaration of war on Israel has led many to label it as a dangerous anti-Semitic grouping - a view that has been reinforced by exposure of its far left leadership made up of senior figures of the Communist Party, George Galloway's Respect and the SWP. Both the Green Party and Peter Tatchell, the human rights campaigner, have disassociated themselves from 'Stop The War'. Labour moderates have condemned the organisation and have called on Labour to not fund its activities.

With growing tensions within Labour over allegations of widespread anti-Semitism, 'entryism', poor opinion poll ratings and rising antagonism towards Labour's leader from MPs, centre and centre-right councillors: the Party consolidated its electoral hold  in Britain's core cities like Newcastle and made sound gains in other parts of the country while losing in others - a mixed picture  in which Corbyn can derive some comfort . Yet the Party's collapse in Scotland has profound implications whether Labour can win in 2020 with or without Corbyn. That aside, some commentators have pointed out that the Party is  still at war with itself  between the various factions which some experts believe is irreconcilable. To some like  Uber-Blairite, Lord Mandelson, Labour is made up of two parties. And a significant minority have warned that if the divisions don't heal, a breakaway SDP Mark 2 made up of moderate members, MPs, MEPs and councillors is a distinct possibility in the future - a scenario that would guarantee decades of  Conservative rule.

Of-course should this happen as some commentators believe, the only losers will be those who badly need a Labour Government : the disadvantaged, the excluded, the ill and young -  to protect them from the ravages of neo-liberal Conservatism headed up by Boris Johnson PM!

Education4Democracy NE On the Move

EDUCATION4DEMOCRACY NE, is a non-profit, party-neutral, registered social enterprise company based in Newcastle, but operating across the region. Founded in 2015 by Stephen Lambert, a social entrepreneur and media raconteur, the company is supported by 12 Advisory Board members drawn from the world of government, academia, further education, the third sector, health, community development, business and young people.Education4Democracy NE Cic is a member of the Newcastle CVS and the North East Social Enterprise Partnership.

The company's vision is to boost democratic engagement amongst excluded and marginalised groups including young people, adults with physical and learning disabilities, people with mental health issues, the 'economically inactive', lone-parents, social renters, and some sections of the BAME community.

The central aim of  Education4Democracy NE is to address the ''crisis of democratic engagement'' which is a key feature of the region and provide solutions through educational and campaigning activities. In the 2015 general election only 66% of those registered to vote did so. One third of the electorate didn't vote. Only 43% of young people aged 18 to 24 voted -  down on the 2010 general election. In the 1983 election three-quarters of young people voted. Electoral 'turn-out' in the most disadvantaged constituencies in the North is low: 56% turn-out in Newcastle Central compared to 78% turn-out in Hexham, Northumberland.  Turn-out in North-East council elections is low - about 1 in 3 and even lower in the Police & Crime Commissioner election of 2016 - 23% turn-out in Northumberland. 5 million people across the UK are unregistered. Only a tiny minority belong to political parties compared to the 1950s where the Conservative Party had 3m members and Labour 1m. And only a small section of the populace are involved in campaign groups.

The company's objectives are:

* To inform, educate, engage and empower marginalised groups in the wider community about the workings of British democracy including civic participation; the role of elected representatives; local, central, devolved and European levels of governance; the role of political parties and Pressure Groups; the legal system and current political issues.

* To deliver high quality bespoke learning sessions and workshops to schools, colleges, adult education centre, community groups, local charities, church's, and youth organisations on all aspects of citizenship education including consumer rights.

* To deliver bespoke training sessions on 'Understanding and challenging Political Extremism' based on  central government's 'Prevent' /Channel Counter- Extremism and Terrorism strategy in public sector organisations.

* To deliver bespoke training sessions on all aspects of equality and diversity to voluntary bodies, educational establishments and SME businesses in the North East.

* To campaign on issues relating to civic disengagement such as voter registration and turn-out in elections.

* To conduct empirical localised research into civil society and civic participation using a variety of research methodologies such as surveys, focus groups and desk research.

Stephen Lambert is both founder and director of Education4Democracy NE. Stephen was educated at Gosforth High School, Warwick University where he gained a degree in Politics and Sociology in 1981 and Bolton University where he achieved a PGCE (QTS) in 1983. He taught Sociology, History, Social Policy, Citizenship Studies & Government/Politics at both Bishop Auckland and Newcastle College to post-16 students and adults returning to learning. Stephen was Curriculum Area Leader (Advanced Studies) at Bishop Auckland College from 1995 to 1999, Vice-Chair of Natfhe, and the College's Equality & Diversity Manager from 1999 to 2005. He is an Ofsted Grade 2 ('Good') lecturer and manager  (''Very Good'').

Having delivered a range of social science programmes at Newcastle Sixth Form College (2005-13), Stephen worked as the Public Relations Officer for the educational charity, Learning First Ltd. He is a Newcastle City Councillor, representing the Kenton Ward since 2002, re-elected in 2015 with a 1,960 majority over Ukip, and was formerly the Deputy Cabinet Member: Community Safety, Chair: Safe Newcastle, & Vice-Chair, NW Newcastle Regeneration Partnership (1995-99) . Stephen also served as a member of the Northumbria Police Authority (2011-12) and a member of the Tyne and Wear Transport Authority until  its abolition in  2014. In 2002-14 he served as a LEA Governor at Kenton Bar Primary school; director, Newcastle Citizen's Advice and trustee, Learning first Ltd till September 2012 and North-West Sure Start Panel.

Stephen contested Berwick-Upon-Tweed (1987) and Roxburgh & Berwickshire (1992)  general elections for the Labour Party. During this period he was the Party's Chief Media Spokesman for North Northumberland and the Scottish Borders. He remains a member of the Labour Party's approved panel of Parliamentary Candidates.

He is an established freelance journalist, a member of the NUJ, and has published widely on education, mental health, social inclusion, political extremism, and public policy related issues in Rostrum, The Journal, Northern Echo, LGA First and Post-16 Educator and on social media websites such as Newcastle City council's blog, 'Lets Talk'.

Stephen, 57, is married to Margaret, a Newcastle Health Visitor and they have one son, Aidan. Stephen's interests include cycling, reading biographies, good food and drink,  investigative reporting and citizen journalism.

'Find Those Missing Voters, Mr Cameron Or Let Down The Young Generation' Says Stephen Lambert

WITH THE government national voter registration campaign under way, it's estimated that five million people across the nation are still ''missing'' from the official electoral register. 800,000 citizens have dropped off the register since the PM brought in changes to the system, with young people, students, minorities and low-income households in inner-city rented households at real risk of being ''disenfranchised''.

In the North East about 100,00 individuals are missing from the register. In Newcastle Upon Tyne the figure is 12,000 - down from 18,000 in December 2015. Even before central government changed the rules so that every person, rather than household, needed to register to vote, 27% of 18-to 30-year olds were unregistered. In the 2015 general election 57% didn't vote or weren't registered.

Unless radical action is taken this figure could be much higher, which would be harmful for our liberal-democracy. It's estimated by the independent Electoral Commission that thousands have simply vanished from the register, partly due to ill-though out, costly government reforms making it mandatory for individuals to register. What was wrong with the old system we had where households could register their siblings ? Fears of fraud and error have been over-exaggerated. In sum, the new system could have a big impact in towns and cities like Darlington, Newcastle, Durham, Sunderland and Middlesbrough, which have high numbers of young adults and students.

To some political analysts, the most troubling trend is the fall up to 40% in the number of ''attainers'' - teenagers at college or school who are meant to join the register prior to voting age of 18. As a Guardian leader noted in March 2016, ''A generation is in danger of missing its first taste of democratic participation, and perhaps never acquiring the habit of voting.''

According to a new report produced by the all-party parliamentary group on democratic participation, this year's EU referendum together with the local, Mayoral and Police Commissioner elections could have a major influence on young people. The outcome could affect employment rights at the workplace, community safety, climate change laws, studying in European universities, free health care in European countries such as Spain and France, affordable homes and sky high rents.

Although council officials in the region's town halls are doing their best to get the missing thousands to register, much more needs to be done to preserve Britain's democratic way of life and political culture. Sheffield University has been successful in integrating voter registration into the student enrolment process. Vice-Chancellors and Principals should adopt this model in their universities and colleges for the next academic year's enrolment. An innovative project in Northern Ireland  which brought council electoral registration officers and schools together, dramatically boosted the number of  16 to 17-year olds - ''attainers'' onto the register.

Other measures  central government could adopt to increase voter registration include placing a statutory duty on schools and further education colleges to provide details of youngsters approaching 17 to all local authority registration offices. Local politicians from all the main parties should be encouraged to engage groups of post-16 learners about the history and value of voting together with widening the franchise to working people and their families and women. Higher education institutions could be recommended to register blocks of students in halls of residence. Pilot election-day registrations could form part of school citizenship and general studies classes.

And finally, let's broaden the franchise so that 16 to 17-year olds in England , Wales and Northern Ireland can vote in elections and referenda, like their peers who voted in the Scottish referendum over the border. Rather than spending £7m on a glossy brochure to every home in the UK re-affirming the government's policy position of membership of the European Union, that money, arguably, would have been spent on getting 16 to 17-year olds signed up onto the register. Ironically, the very people who tend to be pro-Europe. Furthermore, research evidence revealed that many young Scots north of Berwick were not only registered to vote, but cast their vote in huge numbers at the ballot box to determine Scotland's future in the UK. Thousands were highly politicised and clued up on the workings of democracy.

Young people and other marginalised groups such as the disabled, the poor, the mentally unwell and migrants with citizenship status shouldn't be denied a say in all British elections which will determine their futures. That's why local colleges, unis, youth organisations like the Scouts and Girl Guides, elected members of public bodies, service providers and legitimate campaign groups like Education4Democracy NE or 'Bite The Ballot' in London, need to work in partnership to register the ''missing millions''. Above all  the PM, David Cameron, needs to lead an aggressive recruitment drive to fill the electoral register before June 7. To do otherwise would be a betrayal of the next generation.

North East Democracy Charity Welcomes Big Increase In Postal Voting

A NORTH EAST campaigning organisation this week welcomed the sharp increase in city-wide postal vote applications for the forthcoming Town Hall and Police and Crime Commissioner elections to be held on May 5 2016.

The charity, Education4Democracy NE, obtained figures from Newcastle Council which reveal that 73,059 electors now have postal votes - representing 40% of all eligible voters  -  a 42% increase from 2014. In December 2014 51,864 adults over 18 has a postal vote. This figure increased to 67,812 in December 2015.

Stephen Lambert, director of Education4Democracy NE, said : ''The big increase in postal vote applications is to be welcomed by all those who want to see more people engaging with our democratic system. Voting in local, mayoral elections and the EU referendum  is an important part of this process.''

''Its pleasing to see more young people including students signing up to register to vote in the first place and asking for a postal vote. Postal voting has been tried and tested. It works as it's a quick and easy way to vote with the minimum of fuss. It benefits people who are away on business, those who have caring responsibilities and workers who do shift work or work flexible hours. It takes the hassle of voting in person,'' he added.

Local authorities, schools, colleges, student unions and campaign groups tied in with national government initiatives, using social media and mail shots, have played a key role in boosting voter registration and postal voting.

Mr Lambert said: ''We're working closely with youth bodies such as the scouts  and guides and Tyneside schools and colleges to support registration and electoral participation in the run up to both of the elections and the EU referendum on June 23rd 2016.''

''Resistance Through Ritual'': Do We Still Have Youth Tribes in the North-East? An Exploration of Youth Cultures in Post-modern Society.

THE TERM 'youth culture' or teenage culture was first coined in the 1950s in America and was later exported to the UK in 1959. Many writers at the time believed rightly or wrongly that ''a society within a society'' was slowly evolving and that it posed a threat to mainstream values and norms. In other words, a ''generation gap'' had opened up in both countries.

The notion of a youth culture or sub-culture suggested that the young aged 14 to 25 were being socialised into and were committed to a special set of values, attitudes and behaviour patterns separate from those of adult society. The market researcher, Mark Abrams, suggested that this new phenomena was a product of affluence and rising living standards. More teenagers had more cash to spend and were  no longer restricted by strict parental controls. A new commercial industry coupled with consumerism revolving round clothes, music and milk bars was emerging to meet the demands and aspirations of young people. It appealed to all social classes. As the American sociologist, Berger, noted way back in 1956,''youth culture cuts across class lines. It creates symbols and patterns of behaviour that are quite capable of giving status upon individuals coming from quite different class backgrounds'', whereas other social scientists noted that adolescence was a period and preparation for adulthood. Personal problems were commonplace, and arguably still are (witness the growth of mental health issues amongst teenagers) amongst young people as they negotiate their ''rite of passage'' via adolescence into adulthood. And furthermore in Britain compulsory national service for 17 to 21-year olds was phased out from 1960 releasing young adults from the strict constraints of military life.

''Group rebellion'' against adult society was predictable amongst the young noted the social analyst Eisenstadt. Put simply, youth culture was best understood as being a reaction to being young. In USA the teenage way of life was reflected in popular culture such as novels and films such as  'Rebel Without A Cause' featuring the enigmatic James Dean and rock and roll by Bill Haley and the Comets and the legendary Elvis Presley which appealed to hundreds of thousands of teenage boys and girls both in the States and the UK.

But it wasn't till the mid fifties that 'Teddy Boys' appeared on the British social landscape to the alarm of the 'Establishment' characterised by their drainpipe trousers, Edward VII long coats and slicked back hair tarnished with 'Brycream'. Many 'Teds' gained the reputation of being tough and aggressive tearing cinema seats with flick-knives and beating up West Indians in music halls.

By the 1960s 'Mods and Rockers' emerged mostly from working-class backgrounds and this phenomena was nicely captured in the classic (re-released movie) 'Quadraphenia'. The Mods with their hand-made Italian suits and Parkas took R & B and soul to their 'purple hearts' and sped to all-night clubs on Lambrettas or Vespa scooters. Rockers, in contrast, clad in heavy leathers and chains had beefier motor bikes and were hostile to the comparatively effete Mods. Street battles took place in the seaside towns of Margate, Clacton and Brighton and triggered national popular press hysteria generating a 'moral panic' amongst respectable society. Yet according to Stan Cohen in his famous book, ''Folk Devils and Moral Panics'', the violence was over-exaggerated and there were few police arrests.

During the 1970s parents were getting concerned about ''Hippies'' morally corrupting their daughters with a reliance on soft drugs like 'Dope' and 'free love'. In Newcastle the main spot for hanging about was the old, now demolished Handyside Arcade marked by specialist record and clothes shops punctuated by the distinct aroma of patchouli oil and  marijuana. In the working-class districts of Deptford, East London and Scotswood, Newcastle, the emergence of 'Skinheads' caused fear with their menacing image of short cropped hair, Doc Martin bovver boots, crombies and rolled up demims: some of whom were racist belonging to the fascist National Front and followed bands by the names of 'Screwdriver' and 'Sham69'. Skinhead culture reappeared in some inner-city neighbourhoods in the late seventies partly as a response to changing communities and the impact of black immigration.

'Punks' took the mainstream by surprise in 1976 with their colourful spikey hair, pieced noses and nipples and commitment to groups such as the notorious 'Sex Pistols', the 'Clash' and 'The Damned' which confirmed people's concerns of degeneracy and anarchy amongst some sections of Britain's youth. By 1981 Punk Rock gave way to the 'New Wave' and 'New Romantic' movements with notable bands such as 'Blondie', 'New Order', 'Duran Duran', 'Visage', and 'Soft Cell' whilst in the recession hit Midlands's cities of Birmingham and Coventry 'Ska-Two Tone' such as 'The Specials', 'Selector' and 'Madness' gained ascendancy as a response to urban decay and rocketing youth unemployment.

The development of these spectacular youth cultures didn't escape the attention of academia. The radical left-wing sociologist Stuart Hall in his book,''Resistance Through Ritual'', rejected the old sociological concept of a classless youth culture. Real youth culture, he argued, with its own style and music was a working-class symbolic protest against dominant business power in post-war capitalist society. Yet style commentators such as Peter York writing in 'Harpers and Queen' dismissed this view as being simple and naïve. Vandalising community bus shelters with graffiti and assaulting minority ethnic groups hardly fitted their thesis that youth culture was a shared response to their social position as the underdog in British society.

Since 1990 we've seen a multiplicity of conflicting youth tribes and styles ranging from youngsters participating in acid house parties with its repetitive beat together with new drugs such as 'Blues' and ecstasy to Goths dressed in black  and into art drawn from predominately middle-class backgrounds. More recently 'Rap', 'Emos', 'Geeks', 'Skaters' and the much maligned 'Chavs' have appeared on the social scene.

But we mustn't get carried away with all these accounts of youth sub-cultures. Most post-war youth culture revolved around music, language, clothes, fashion, dance and soft drugs in some cases and is perhaps best understood as simply being about style. Some sociologists such as Smith point out that the vast majority of young people from the Sixties onwards were unaffected by teenage culture. And the idea that there exists a 'generation gap' has been challenged by others. It's misleading to see Britain's youth as being rebellious or revolutionary. In the 1983 general election 75% of young people aged 18 to 24 voted. And 43% voted Conservative with Labour coming a distant second. Most young adults today, often dubbed 'Millenials', share the same values, beliefs and norms as their parents. Many have become individualistic, seeking out an identity through conspicuous consumption in our post-modern times without the need to join groups. As the educationalist, Robin Simmons , points out, what most ordinary young people want in 2016 is a meaningful job, an affordable home, security and to start a family just like their mams and dads.

Stephen Lambert is a local Sociologist and writer. He is a member of Newcastle City Council and heads up the campaign body, Education4Democracy NE.

Education4Democracy NE Sets Up Advisory Board

THE SOCIAL enterprise company, Education4Democracy NE, this week released  membership of its Advisory Board, whose remit is to advise and share good practice in the promotion and delivery of citizenship education.

The Board includes experts from the world of government, academia, further education, the Third Sector, the Health Service, Business and representatives of young people. The following have been appointed to serve on the Panel:

* Lord Beecham, DCL DL,  was former leader of Newcastle City Council (1974 to 1994) and is currently Opposition Spokesman on Local Government & Housing in the House of Lords. A lawyer by profession, Sir Jeremy was educated at Newcastle's Royal Grammar School and Oxford University where he achieved a first- class honours degree in Law. He was chairman of the LGA in the nineties and formerly headed up Labour's NEC in 2004.

* Councillor Habib Rahman, 42, is a  Labour member of Newcastle City Council representing the inner-city ward of Elswick. A former Advice Worker in the west end of the city, Habib is a community activist in the BAME community. He is also an established restaurateur in Low Fell, Gateshead.

* Jeremy Middleton CBE, 56, is a high profile North-East businessman, investor, philanthropist and politician.   Jeremy is a member of the North East Local Enterprise Partnership and chairs the North East LEP Investment Panel. He has held several senior positions in the Conservative Party and contested Hartlepool in the 2005 by-election and was the Conservative Candidate in the Euro-election (NE) in 2004. He is currently the Candidate for the 2017 North East Mayoral Election. Jeremy's interests lie in promoting NE employability & supporting social enterprises.

* Aidan Lambert, 16, is currently sitting his GCSE's at St. Mary's Comprehensive School, Newcastle. Aidan intends to study  GCE A-levels in History, Geography and Government and Politics. He is committed to getting more youngsters engaged in the democratic process.

* Professor Thom Brookes, 42, Chairs the Law and Government Faculty at Durham University and has written extensively on citizenship and migration related issues. Am American by birth, Thom achieved degrees from William Paterson University,  Arizona State University, Dublin University and was awarded his doctorate in Philosophy from Sheffield University in 2004. He has appeared regularly on TV and radio and is a columnist for NcjMedia and the Northern Echo. Professor Brookes'  latest book, 'Becoming British', is due out in May 2016.

* Anna Round, 38, is a Senior Research Fellow at IPPR North and has written extensively on Public Policy related issues. A former graduate of Oxford University, Anna served as a Newcastle City Councillor. Her research interests include demographic change, the social position of the 'over-50s' and political participation.

* Councillor Anita Lower, is Leader of the Liberal-Democrat Party Group on Newcastle City Council. A former lecturer in further education, Anita contested the Newcastle North seat at the 2015 general election. A former Chair of the Safe Newcastle Partnership, Anita currently serves on the LGA Stronger and Safer Communities Board and is the LGA lead on ASB. From 2014 Anita has been a member of the North East Combined Authority (NECA) scrutiny committee.

* Margaret Murning, RN, RHV, BSc (Hons) Soc, BSc (Hons) Community Health, PGCE, MSc Social Research, PG Cert in Academic and Professional Learning, Fellow of the Academy of Higher Education. Margaret is a Newcastle Health Visitor who left school at 17 to work as hairdresser in Whitehaven, West Cumbria. Margaret went on to study at Northumbria University. A former nurse in London, she has worked as a Senior Lecturer in Health Studies at Northumbria University, before returning to 'practice' in the West End of Newcastle. Margaret is a former Newcastle Councillor and school governor.

*  Mark McNally, MPhil, is a former senior Local Government Officer with Gateshead Council before going onto complete degrees  in Politics/ History and Theology at the University of Durham. Mark taught history and politics at Newcastle Sixth Form College from 2004 to 2013 and worked as a visiting lecturer in Politics at Durham University.

* Ben McGukin, 22,  is a student of Law at Northumbria University having completed his A-levels at Newcastle Sixth Form College.

* Dr. Robin Simmons, 49, is Professor of Education at the University of Huddersfield. A former teacher and manager in further education at a North East college, Robin has  published a large volume of social research on young People, social exclusion and social justice in various academic journals. To date, he has published two books on Education, Social Change and Neet, and has appeared on Radio4 and TV. Robin is one of the lead experts on Neet in the UK. Robin has co-written numerous articles on regional youth unemployment, Neet, and social inclusion with Councillor Stephen Lambert in LGA First, The Journal, Northern Echo and Post-16 educator (2013-2015). Robin currently serves as a Governor at Cleveland College of Arts, Hartlepool.

* John McConnell, is a former fire-fighter. An accomplished Tyneside Artist, John is currently involved in the Newcastle and North Tyneside Mental Health Trust and sits on various committees.

* Oscar Watson is a Community Development Manager at the Cowgate People's Centre part of the Daybreak charity who work with adults with learning disabilities. Oscar has been both a Youth and Community worker in a variety of settings both in the city and the South-East of London. His interests lie in the fields of social inclusion and civic engagement.

* Peter Wilson, 58, is  Digital Advice Manager with  Newcastle Citizens Advice. A former Civil Servant, Peter has previously worked in energy conservation and fuel poverty with Eaga Ltd and is a lead expert in citizen consumer advice. Peter served as a Newcastle City Councillor between 1988 to 2002 and was a Trustee of Newcastle Citizens Advice Bureau and Learning First until 2013. He was educated at Blakelaw School, Newcastle, Northumbria University and more recently Tel Aviv University where he gained Certification in Middle East History. Peter's interests lie in civil society and the growth of political extremism in the NE..

Stephen said: ''We're delighted to have a cross section of people living in the North-East who are genuinely committed to promoting 'active citizenship' across the community. Our newly established Board brings together a wide range of people with relevant expertise, knowledge, experience and skills to take Education4Democracy NE forward in challenging times.''

Ends

It's Time To Truly 'Prevent' Growth Of Extremism

LOCAL AUTHORITIES, colleges, schools and universities all have a pivotal role in preventing some of our 'citizens' from being drawn into 'extremist activities' and terrorism. The Government's new Prevent duty for public bodies embedded in the Counter-Terrorism and Security Act 2015 outlines the need for all organisations to have ''due regard to the need to prevent people from being drawn into terrorism.''

Since the new law came into effect there've been a number of appalling and tragic events leading to loss of life in Paris, Beirut, Egypt and last month, Brussels. That's why it's imperative that the new Prevent 'duty' is implemented with sensitivity without alienating a significant section of our community. However, many on the Left believe, with some justification, that Prevent and 'Channel' (the mechanism of delivery) is damaging trust in our society. In practice, the duty has placed the onus on teachers, lecturers, councillors, government officials and GPs with monitoring peoples' political and religious opinions.

It's argued that this has undermined relationships based on mutual trust and respect, particularly between educators and students. Moreover, it has eroded civil liberties and strengthened religious discrimination against Muslims. Hate crimes against embers of the Muslim community have soared by a staggering 70% according to figures released by the Metropolitan Police. The Prevent strategy, it's maintained, has contributed to a climate of intimidation and fear among some ethnic minority groups. Muslims constitute only 5% of the nation's population, yet stats show that 67% of those referred for suspected 'radicalisation' in 2012 were Muslim, including school children as young as six!

Critics of Prevent point out that political dissent has been quelled in the UK. For example, those campaigning for a 'Free Palestine', are being observed by MI5 in what 'Liberty', the Human Rights group, has dubbed the 'biggest spying operation of all times'. Prevent, it's postulated, is not making our citizens safer, but rather fostering an atmosphere of insecurity while stoking up Islamophobia at a time when the Far Right is on the sharp ascendancy both in Britain, the USA( witness Trump) and across Europe including France, Germany and Holland.

But abandoning the Government's Prevent programme is not the way forward. Radical Islam personified by ISIS  and the huge surge of far right parties such as the EDL and Britain First threatens hard won freedoms, parliamentary democracy and national security. The threat is real and not a 'moral panic' generated by right-wing 'red-tops'. Most terrorism is home-grown and not imported from the EU. Surveillance by MI5 and Special Branch remains crucial in foiling potential terrorist plots.

To date there's been much good practice which has been adopted by many Councils and Town Halls across the country. Bristol, for instance, has built a successful partnership with the city's Muslim population to boost community cohesion, while in Newcastle Upon Tyne, students and elected councillors have been encouraged to visit Mosques and Citizenship ceremonies to find out what Islam really stands for. Similarly, Cornwall Council has placed an emphasis on tackling dangerous internet use, while other good case-studies include Calderdale's work with cab-drivers, the use of football to bring people together in Greenwich, London, and Birmingham' work with colleges and schools.

Too much Prevent work has been delivered by civil servants or private consultancies in schools and colleges. It hasn't work. As a result of this, one notable example has been the suspension of a pupil for accessing a UKIP website!  Surely it's best for teachers to be given the tools to deliver sensitive, well-prepared and thoughtful citizenship-type lessons to promote a better understanding of our multi-ethnic, multi-cultural society, while exploring the dangers of extremist ideologies such as fascism and Islamic fundamentalism.

Rather than just surveillance by the security services, the way to tackle potential 'radicalisation' is through education and learning in both a formal and informal context. Experienced teachers and youth workers, with perhaps a social science-type background should be prepared to challenge the reactionary ideas of ''youthful jihadi apologists'' or far right supporters of the BNP.

There is increasing evidence that the ideology of radical Islam is getting a foothold on several 'new university' and further education campuses and student unions, especially in London and  other urban centres - ideas that run counter to the 'British values' of fair play, democracy, individual liberty, the rule of law and tolerance and mutual respect for ''those with different faiths and beliefs''.  The moderate, Sadiq Khan, Labour's Mayor for London, has pointed out that the Muslim community in some places needs to take some ownership of the issue.

Likewise, we're also seeing a disturbing rise in 'anti-semitism' on the campuses of some of our top Russell Group universities such as Oxford, Cambridge, the LSE and York - a situation in which the former Archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams, has described as having ''worrying echoes of 1930s Germany''! But the rise of anti-Semitism is not confined to higher education: it has found an outlet in Corbyn's new look Labour Party, resulting in the expulsion or suspension of  Far Left Trotskyite 'entryists' - one who had been selected as a Parliamentary Candidate.

Likewise, there's disturbing evidence that members of intolerant hard right parties such as Ukip and the quasi-fascist Britain First are infiltrating the teaching profession, especially the Post-16 sector. College Principals need to take on these so called educators if they are serious in their mission statements to promote equality and diversity and eradicate race and religious discrimination as required by the Equality Act 2010. Moreover they have a duty of care both to their learners and staff.  And as the Prime Minister recommends Ofsted must root out these extremists from the profession. The Government's Prevent work on the ground needs to be reformed, but not abolished if we're committed to maintaining safe and secure communities, schools and colleges in our cities and towns. As the Sunday Times notes: ''The danger in any society is that intolerance becomes acceptable. We must never allow that to happen.''

Stephen Lambert is Director, Education4Democracy NE, and a Newcastle City Councillor.

City Councillor Calls For Politics Lessons In Bid To Tackle Voter Apathy

A NEWCASTLE City Councillor and former College Lecturer is calling for politics to be taught in the classroom to combat apathy. Coun. Stephen Lambert, 57, who represents Kenton ward in Newcastle, says democracy faces disaster unless young people can be persuaded to take an interest in how we are governed.

In Newcastle, only around 3 out 10 people voted at the town hall elections in 2014 and nationally turn-out at the last General Election was only 58%. Newcastle City Council says citizenship classes are already on the school curriculum which introduced youngsters to politics and they can also get involved in the Youth Parliament.

Coun. Lambert, who is Director of the regional campaign organisation, 'Education4Democracy NE', said he is particularly concerned about 'apathy' amongst teenagers. And that too many citizenship classes have been subsumed under PHSE with scant discussion about issues to do with democracy. Research conduced by the Coun. Lambert reveals that only one in 10 young people aged between 18 and 22 bother to vote.

''Numeracy, literacy, religious studies and IT commonly known as 'functional skills' are taught in the region's schools and colleges'', he said. ''Yet politics, as a separate subject, remains neglected. Liking mending a fuse or fixing a plug, political education is a 'life skill' we all need.

''Politics impacts on every part of our lives. To take part effectively within decision-making, it's essential that citizens are suitably equipped with the relevant political knowledge, skills and confidence.''. he added.

The City Council said pupils already get involved through citizenship classes and the Youth Parliament, open to 11 to 18-year olds.

''Members meet with MPs and local councillors, organise events, make speeches, hold debates and ensure the views of young people are listened to by decision-makers. The most important aspect is to make sure they represent the views of the young people in their area.''

Coun. Lambert praised the work of the Newcastle Youth Council, but argues that more needs to be done to educate young adults about the workings of our democratic system.

‘’YOU’RE GETTING TO BIG FOR YOUR JACKBOOTS’’: THE RISE OF THE FAR –RIGHT IN THE UK AND EUROPE :

Toy Town Fascism or a Real Threat to Our Freedoms.

By Stephen Lambert

THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT have placed the country on ‘’high alert’’ following the number of horrifying and tragic ‘’terrorist’’ attacks both across Europe, Orlando, America and the brutal murder of Jo Cox MP.

Newcastle is regarded as ‘’low risk’’. Yet as the PM warns, both London and other core cities are at ‘’high risk’’ from an attack from a home-grown version of IS. But the Government recognises in its tough anti-terrorism measures that extremism is not just about religious fundamentalism, but also covers the activities of the ‘far-right’. Isis and al-Qaida without doubt is the major threat to our national security according to the Home Office, but it’s accepted that ‘’sinister far-right’’ forces are at work in our communities in light of the tragic killing of Jo Cox by a far-right activist.

The rise of authoritarian nationalism, fascism, combined with the growth of anti-minority racism and hatred is becoming deeply entrenched in mature liberal democracies and in emerging infant democracies too. At home, Ukip with a racist, anti-immigrant populist message has hijacked the EU ‘Brexit’ campaign. Ukip has over 60,000 ‘’active’’ members, 24 MEPs including Nigel Farage, 1 MP and over 100 councillors on Town Halls. In the 2014 euro-elections the Party achieved 25% of the vote. 4 million people voted Ukip in the 2015 general election.

As tensions rise over issues ranging from cultural diversity to the impact of migration in Northern working-class communities, coastal resorts and outer London, Ukip’s support is likely to surge regardless of the outcome of the EU Referendum. The hard and long-fought out campaign has unleashed a strand of English nationalism (which goes beyond warm beer and cricket) which could have chilling implications for our society.

Although Ukip poses no real threat to our freedoms, other parties do. This is no ‘’moral panic’ but ‘moral realism’. The neo-nazi party, Britain First, has displaced the BNP. Contrary to popular belief this is no ‘’Toy Town Fascist Party’’. With its anti-migrant programme and its belief in ‘’street politics’, the thuggish Britain First strongly resembles the old British Union of Fascists (BUF) under Oswald Mosley in the 1930s. With a membership made up of the ‘’rough’’ elements of Britain’s ‘’under-class’’ this party does represent a threat to both our national security and parliamentary democracy. Many of its activists are known ‘football hooligans’ to the authorities and are strongly sexist, homophobic and xenophobic motivated by hatred of ‘’the other’’.

On the continent the situation is deeply disturbing with the proliferation of right-wing nationalistic and neo-fascist parties – some of whom have gained a leg-hold in states ranging from France, Poland and Austria. Their support is growing.

Take Austria. In May 2016 the far-right leader of the Freedom Party almost became the country’s President. The Far Right won everywhere, except Vienna. Fascism is on the up with a 60% year-on-rise in racist incidents and numerous cases of ‘’Nazi-glorification’ on social media sites.

In neighbouring Slovakia 14 MPs belong to an openly neo-fascist party with another 15 elected members of a ‘’cleaned-up nationalist grouping’’. Under the proportional representation system, right-wing nationalists have joined the moderate Government. Likewise nearby Hungary run by a right-wing conservative administration is under threat from the extreme right ‘’jackbooted’’ Jobbick Party, whose leaders resemble ex-members of the Waffen SS from the film ‘Where Eagle Dare’.

In Poland, the ultra-right wing Law and Order Party, under a pair of ‘’odd-balls’’, is in the process of changing its own constitution  to crush judicial scrutiny and overview and suppress a ‘free media’.

These parties and governments aren’t only hostile to migration, but want to break up the EU. Across both east and west Europe the far-right have made significant electoral advances aided by PR in both Holland and France. The sinister Geert Wilder, the Dutch Freedom Party leader, with his peroxide blond hair, has been slammed by other democratic leaders such as Angela Murkell for inciting racial hatred. Twenty miles over the Channel Marie Le Pen’s Front National is gaining the support of 30% of France’s electorate in the run up to the Presidential election.

A lot of these hard-right parties have shed their thuggish ‘’Hitler Youth’’ image and have exchanged black leathers, swatiskas and jackboots with designer suits. Throughout Europe the far-right not only shares the Russian leader Putin’s goal of destroying the EU and NATO, but also seek to impose in the words of Economist Paul Mason, an ‘’authoritarian, socially conservative nationalist’’ model on their own countries. Putin, a fan of the American Presidential hopeful Donald Trump, has forged close links with these ultra-nationalistic leaders and parties. This is evidenced by lots of  appearances on the Russian TV, exchange visits and generous funding and loans using ‘Moscow Gold’. The French National front leader Ms Le Pen got a £7m loan from a bank in the Kremlin.

With the outcome of the EU Referendum at knifepoint, some scholars have argued, that a ‘Brexit’ result could unleash dangerous forces in our liberal society. Fascism was defeated in 1945 in mainland Europe and Japan. It came to end in Spain in 1975. With the fall of the ‘Iron Curtain’ by 1990 many felt optimistic about an EU with a common and united purpose. That today is under threat.

Stephen Lambert is director of Education4Democracy NE. He is also a Newcastle City councillor. Stephen writes in a personal capacity.

 

LEARNING DISABLED PEOPLE IN NORTH EAST HAVE VOTING RIGHTS TOO

THE charity Education4Democracy NE this week called on adults with learning disabilities to cast their vote in next Thursday’s EU Referendum.

The social enterprise company run by Stephen Lambert, a former College lecturer in Citizenship studies, points out that ‘’too often people with learning disabilities’’ are overlooked by political parties and campaigners when it comes to general, town hall elections and referenda. According to figures collated by the charity  6% of each parliamentary constituency in the region are made up of adults over 18 who have a learning disability. Some vote, other’s don’t simply because they are over-looked.

In Newcastle 11,232 adults with a learning disability are eligible to vote.

Mr Lambert said : ‘’One of our aims is to strengthen the voice of people with learning disabilities in politics, voting and policy-making.’’

‘’Most people across the region will be voting in the EU Referendum and we’re encouraging adults with learning disabilities to do the same. Presiding officers and staff at polling stations have been fully trained up to help someone with a learning disability to vote – for instance, by showing them how to fill in their ballot paper,’’ he added.